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Feature
Story |
Wall
Street's
Wacky Exuberance
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Cartoon
©2000, Bill Yund |
Lately it seems no one-minute news update is
complete without a report from Wall Street. On the radio, TV,
and print media, it’s become hard to avoid alleged experts
offering investment advice. In the past few months, the
obsessive Wall Street reporting carries a new note of anxiety.
Underlying each day’s coverage is that nervous question —
is the stock market about to crash?
This is clearly a vital question if you’re a
millionaire. But the evening news would have us believe that
Joan Sixpack’s financial future is also hanging in the
balance.
In fact, about half of Americans have
absolutely nothing riding on Wall Street. Only a small
percentage of the stock market’s wealth is controlled by the
millions of working Americans who do invest. Of those
households that own shares, 72 percent have holdings worth
less than $5,000. In contrast, the typical household has about
$90,000 in real estate assets, according to the Economic
Policy Institute. That means that a 5 percent change in the
value of home prices has more impact on an average person’s
wealth than a 50 percent change in the stock market.
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Chart:
© 2000, Gary Huck |
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All that said, some trustworthy economists are
sounding an alarm about what might happen to working-class
investors if the stock market did take a major dive. What’s
more, they say, a major dive is pretty likely — although no
one knows when.
"If the stock market collapses, rich
people stand to lose the most money. If they have ten billion
dollars, they might lose six of it. However, they’ll still
be a billionaire," says Dean Baker of the Center for
Economic and Policy Research. On the other hand, he says,
"for working people, a stock market collapse —
especially if it’s followed by a recession — could be
disastrous." Hardest hit would be people close to
retirement who were depending on their 401(K) plan to make it
possible.
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Social
Security Roulette
Wall
Street’s bull market has prompted politicians from
both parties to call for putting Social Security money
into the stock market, where it can — they argue —
get a higher return. (Currently, the Social Security
fund is invested only in government bonds.)
George
W. Bush recently decided to push the issue in a big way.
His proposal is to allow Americans to voluntarily direct
part of their 12.4 percent Social Security payroll tax
into a "personal retirement account" they
could invest in the stock market.
Some
Democrats have leapt on the bandwagon. In May, Sen.
Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York and Sen. Bob Kerrey
of Nebraska joined with Republican Sen. Rick Santorum of
Pennsylvania to announce they were for a plan like Bush’s.
So far, Vice President Al Gore is still saying he’s
against Social Security privatization.
There
are many arguments against investing any Social Security
monies in the stock market. The single most compelling:
what if the stock market collapses, or even just
declines?
In
a paper for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities,
economists Peter R. Orszag and Jonathan M. Orszag cite
three other major arguments against proposals
for Social Security individual accounts:
1)
These plans do not take into account the
"transition cost" of creating individual
accounts. Currently, Social Security is a pay-as-you go
system. Monies aren’t invested for long; most go
directly to today’s Social Security recipients. If
part of the fund is set aside for individual accounts,
the money has to come from somewhere.
2)
Orszag and Orszag note that if you took the extra money
destined for private accounts under these privatization
plans and put it in the Social Security fund, it would
produce at least as great a return for beneficiaries.
Poor beneficiaries do much better under the current
setup, they say, because Social Security is a
progressive system, replacing a higher percentage of
earnings for poor people than for rich. Individual
accounts would have no such progressivity.
3)
Advocates of private accounts underestimate the
administrative costs of such a scheme. For example, an
administrative fee of .4 percent per year (far less than
what the average mutual fund charges) over the course of
an individual’s work career would reduce that person’s
account balance upon retirement by roughly 8 percent.
And
then, of course, there’s volatility. The economists
note that the Standard & Poor 500 index has declined
by more than 10 percent in eight of the past 70 years.
Takes the "security" right out of Social
Security.
See
also: Don't Blow
Away Social Security (LP Press March, 1999) |
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Even more frightening, a range of politicians
— including George W. Bush and many Democrats — are so
enchanted by the stock market and apparently so firmly
convinced that it will never go down that they want to invest
part of our Social Security fund in it. (See "Social
Security Roulette, at left.) Among
economists, Dean Baker is one of the harshest critics of such
plans.
Baker thinks the stock market could tumble by
half. And he didn’t just pull that number out of the air. In
principle, he explains, stock shares are supposed to be
determined by the profits companies are expecting to earn in
the future. Historically, the ratio of the price of a share to
corporate earnings per share has been about 15-1. Right now
the so-called "price-to-earnings ratio" is, on
average, closer to 30-1. (Fyi, Baker has all his 401(K) money
in government bonds.)
So why haven’t we heard this stock market
tip on the nightly news?
"It’s mind-boggling," says Baker.
"The numbers I’m citing are widely known to economists
and to anyone who follows the stock market. They’re real
easy to come by. And yet, when I ask people who work on Wall
Street about it, they just start uttering gibberish about the
New Age and the New Economy." For politicians and central
bankers, Baker believes, it’s easier to just ignore the
problem and hope the crash doesn’t happen on their watch.
And, he says, it’s not exactly clear what they could have
done to avoid the runup anyway.
Some economists argue that the stock market’s
meteoric rise over the past several years has a solid
foundation. After all, they say, the economy’s fundamental
numbers — strong economic growth, low inflation — are
positive. But that doesn’t satisfy Baker.
"Say you’re trying to sell someone a
used car that doesn’t look all that good, and asking a lot
of money for it. And when the potential buyer asks you about
the state of the transmission, you answer, ‘The fundamentals
of the economy are good.’ What does that have to do with the
question at hand?"
To double-check this alarming analysis, we
turned to another noted economist. Doug Henwood of the Left
Business Observer told us comfortingly that he was
"generally allergic to frightening scenarios."
So what is this stuff about the
price-to-earnings ratio being way off? "Oh yes. By any
number of measures — including overall market valuation or
the nearly two decades of spectacular stock market growth —
there’s no precedent for it. It’s pretty extreme."
What’s more, Henwood thinks the stock market volatility of
the past few months signals the beginning of the end of the
bull market.
Henwood, author of the book Wall Street: How
It Works and For Whom, says that when this bull market first
got its start, it made a certain kind of sense. "This all
began back in the early 1980s as a result of the political
victory of Reaganism. The crushing of labor and of rebellions
in the third world...these things increased the profitability
of capital." And those high profits — at labor’s
expense — drove the stock market upward in what Henwood
calls "a pretty rational reaction."
But beginning around 1995, says Henwood, the
market "left the realm of reason and started
levitating."
But why?
The market, notes Henwood, goes up and down
based on two factors: fundamental economic conditions and
psychology. "I think mob psychology really took over
around 1995. That was when the public started getting involved
in the stock market in a big way, and began thinking that it
was a guaranteed avenue for making money — expecting 25
percent returns every year and no risk. Since then, it’s
become a big cultural phenomenon and started entering people’s
daily conversations."
The love affair with new technology has
clearly added to the heady atmosphere. It’s nothing new for
Wall Street investors to be dazzled by new technology, notes
Henwood. In the early 1970s, speculation was concentrated in a
few "very highly valued and glamorous stocks then called
the ‘Nifty Fifty’" — companies like Polaroid and
IBM. "These companies had extremely high
valuations," says Henwood. "People justified the
valuations because they said these companies represented the
future. It was very similar to the rhetoric we’re hearing
now about net stocks. The difference is, those companies were
making a lot of money — the net companies aren’t."
Henwood has some unlikely company in this
analysis: corporate mogul Warren Buffett recently likened the
runup of high-tech stocks to a "chain letter" in
which early participants cash in on the gullibility of those
who follow. "In the last year, the ability to monetize
shareholder ignorance has never been better," he told a
mortified group of investors.
In fact, says Henwood, "There’s no
precedent in American financial history for this random
sustained speculation in stocks that are not making any money
and have no prospects of making money. In previous episodes of
this sort of thing, the companies became quickly profitable
and started growing like crazy. There’s just been nothing
like this."
Henwood concurs with Baker’s assessment of
the deeply cockeyed price-to-earnings ratio. He also notes
that historically, when the market overshoots in one direction
— in this case up — it goes on to overshoot in the other.
Which could mean a more than 50 percent drop in the stock
market.
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This
chart, based on analysis by economist Doug Henwood,
shows the degree to which stock prices deviate
from the long-term trend. Normally, stock prices
have wandered between about 50 percent above the
trendline and 50 percent below. This changed in
1996; now, stock prices are three times their
normal value. Chart: © 2000, Gary Huck |
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DOOMSDAY SCENARIOS
Henwood refuses to commit to a scenario,
however, doomsday or otherwise. He points out that conditions
are different than in 1929, because government is a more
powerful mediator of financial conditions, and we have the
Fed. The stock market crash of 1987 turned out to be no great
catastrophe. However, notes Henwood, "that was when only
20 or 30 percent of households were in the stock market. Now
it’s over 50 percent. It’s hard to predict what would
happen if masses of people discover that the stock market
really can bite them hard."
Dean Baker is worried about the possibility
that a stock market drop could trigger a severe recession.
"Right now, people are spending money in part because of
the stock market," he says. This is something economists
are calling the "wealth effect," and it’s
estimated to amount to about four cents on the dollar. That
is, someone with $100,000 in stocks might spend an extra
$4,000 a year because of that wealth.
"You can see in the data that consumption
has soared and the savings rate has fallen through the floor,
and the stock market seems to be an obvious explanation,"
says Baker. Right now, all this is pulling the economy forward
— but it could also put it into reverse. "Depending on
how much the market falls, there could be a very large effect
— you could lose $8–$10 trillion in wealth, which could
add up to losing $400 billion in annual consumption,"
says Baker.
Henwood is a little skeptical about the
"wealth effect" idea. He thinks it’s highly
unlikely that people will spend on the basis of a pension fund
that they can’t touch for twenty years. On the other hand,
he believes people who see the paper value of their stock
market holdings rise to great heights might well be saving
less, leaving them even more vulnerable if the market crashes.
POPPING MARKET BUBBLES
One thing all this means for working people is
that caution is warranted.
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Chart:
© 2000, Gary Huck |
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Baker also has a structural proposal: put a
tax on stock transactions. Baker is calling for imposition of
a tax of .25 percentage points on each purchase or sale of a
share of stock. This, he argues, would have almost no impact
on anyone who holds a stock for five or ten years. But it
could prove quite costly to someone who "buys at two o’clock
and sells at three o’clock." This small tax might not
prevent big bubbles from ever happening again, says Baker, but
at least we would be treating stock market gambling more like
other forms of gambling, which are heavily taxed.
Obviously, we could use the money from such a
tax to provide greater security for everyone. In fact, the
Labor Party has proposed a stock transaction tax as a good
source of revenue for our Just Health Care plan.
To really protect workers from the
vicissitudes of the market, we need a strengthened Social
Security system or a public pension system that guarantees
everyone a decent retirement income.
Henwood also gives a plug to defined benefit
pension plans, a once popular item on the average union member’s
agenda. Under a defined benefit plan, the employer commits to
providing a certain number of dollars a month for workers’
retirement. These plans have been largely supplanted by either
no pension plan at all or by the now familiar 401(K) and other
"defined contribution plans." Here, workers and/or
employers pay a set amount of money into the pension fund, but
the payout depends on the state of the market when the worker
retires.
"We should make the employer take the
risk, not the employee," argues Henwood. "With a
defined contribution plan, you get whatever’s at the end of
the rainbow. If the market is high when you retire, it can be
a nice amount. But if the market is low when you retire, you
might be eating catfood."
Baker and Henwood both wish more working
Americans would develop a skeptical attitude about the stock
market — and not only because someday it will go down. The
stock market mania, they believe, is having an unhealthy
psychological effect.
"It gets working-class people to identify
with the interests of capital," says Henwood. "It’s
so seductive. People who might make a few extra bucks in their
mutual fund holdings forget that they’re being asked to
sacrifice their wages for thirty or forty years in order to
maximize profits. The major reason the bull market has been
going wild is the defeat of labor and the victory of capital
— the upward shift of income and wealth and the increase in
profitability, at workers’ expense. In the last few years,
that’s been compounded by wacky exuberance. But there is a
fundamental reason for the stock market’s climb, and it’s
not something the working class should be happy about."
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